On the initiative of the Embassy of Tunisia in South Africa, under the leadership of HE Karima Bardaoui, a delegation of South African women took part in the ninth edition of the Financing Investment and Trade in Africa Conference 2026 (Fita), in Tunis from 28 to 30 April 2026.  The strategic engagement underscores Tunisia’s growing role as a gateway for African trade and investment, while highlighting the importance of women’s leadership in shaping the continent’s economic future. The delegation included Wendy Mpendulo, the president of the Africa Progressive Women Chamber for Trade and Industry, accompanied by two businesswomen from the chamber.  Their participation reflected a broader commitment to strengthening intra-African collaboration and empowering women entrepreneurs across value chains. A highlight of the conference was a dedicated workshop hosted by the chamber, where Mpendulo delivered a compelling address on “Women leadership and free initiative: Supporting women’s participation in African value chains.” Her presentation emphasised the importance of inclusivity in trade, advocating for increased access to markets, financing and leadership opportunities for women across the continent. Fita 2026, held under the theme “African Value Chains: Developing Strategic Levers for the Transformation of the Continent”, brought together more than 3 000 participants from more than 65 countries. Attendees included ministers, policymakers, business leaders, development institutions and private investors, creating a vibrant platform for dialogue and deal-making.  The conference reinforced its reputation as a pan-African hub for investment. This year’s edition focussed on sectors critical to Africa’s transformation, including digital innovation, clean technologies, infrastructure development and financial services. Through panels and networking platforms such as the “Deal Room”, participants explored practical pathways to unlock the continent’s economic potential. Wendy Mpendulo, the president of the African Progressive Women Chamber in SA and Anis Jaziri, the president of the Tunisian-African business council. A major outcome of the conference was the signing of 15 partnership agreements between the Tunisian African Business Council and various African chambers of commerce and employers’ organisations. The agreements span key sectors such as energy, water, telecommunications, engineering and infrastructure, reflecting a strong commitment to collaborative growth. Among the most notable initiatives discussed was a large-scale urban development project in Kinshasa, Democratic Republic of Congo, covering about 43 000 hectares. Known as “Novation City Kinshasa,” the project includes plans for a technology park, textile manufacturing hubs and integrated urban infrastructure, with an estimated investment of €100 million (about R2 billion).  Additional projects in countries such as Guinea further illustrate the expanding footprint of Tunisian enterprises across Africa. The Tunisian African Business Council and the Africa Progressive Women Chamber of Commerce and Industry signed a memorandum of understanding. The milestone agreement aims to strengthen cooperation, promote women-led enterprises and facilitate greater participation of women in African trade networks. Canada was featured as the guest non-African country, highlighting growing interest in sub-Saharan Africa’s trade opportunities and reinforcing the importance of international partnerships. Discussions encouraged the continent to leverage its financial resources and reduce reliance on external funding. Taking in the sites: (From left) The author on the steps of the Café des Nattes, established in 1894, alongside HE Ambassador Shakilla Umutoni of Rwanda to Tunisia and Hisham Ben Khamsa. Photos: Marion Smith Tunisia’s broader economic strategy was also brought into focus, with ambitions to increase foreign direct investment to four billion dinars (about R217bn) by the end of 2026.  Beyond the conference halls, Tunisia revealed itself as a destination rich in history, culture and natural beauty. Widely regarded as a safe and accessible country, Tunisia offers visa-free entry for South African citizens on short stays, making it an increasingly attractive travel option. One of the country’s iconic destinations is Sidi Bou Saïd, a breathtaking village perched above the Mediterranean Sea. Known for its striking blue-and-white architecture, it is often compared to the Greek island of Santorini. With its panoramic views, art galleries and charming cafés, the village offers a serene yet culturally vibrant experience.  It was here that I got to sit on the steps of the historic Café des Nattes, established in 1894, soaking in the atmosphere alongside HE Ambassador Shakilla Umutoni of Rwanda to Tunisia and Hisham Ben Khamsa, who kindly shared insights into the heritage and character of the remarkable town and other sites. Nearby, the ancient Carthage stands as a testament to Tunisia’s rich historical legacy. Founded in the 9th century BC by Phoenicians, this Unesco World Heritage Site features remarkable ruins, including the Antonine Baths, Punic ports, and Roman villas, offering visitors a journey through centuries of Mediterranean civilisation. Equally captivating is Dougga, one of the best-preserved Roman sites in North Africa. Set on a hilltop, Dougga combines ancient architecture with sweeping views of olive groves and wildflower fields, creating a striking contrast between history and nature. Blend of old and new: (From left) From intricately designed doors to bustling markets, the medina is a living museum of Tunisian culture and craftsmanship. The Harbour in Bizerte, Dougga, one of the best-preserved Roman sites in North Africa. Dougga combines ancient architecture with sweeping views of wildflower fields. The capital, Tunis, offers a cosmopolitan blend of old and new. At its heart lies the Medina of Tunis, a Unesco-listed site renowned for its labyrinthine streets, vibrant souks and more than 700 historic monuments. From intricately designed doors to bustling markets, the medina is a living museum of Tunisian culture and craftsmanship. Tunisia’s culinary landscape is rooted in Mediterranean traditions and enriched by Berber, Arab and French influences. Tunisian cuisine is both diverse and flavourful. Dishes such as couscous, lablabi and merguez sausages highlight the country’s love for bold spices, particularly harissa. A standout experience is enjoying brik, a delicate pastry filled with egg and tuna, requiring both skill and enthusiasm to savour. Coastal towns like Bizerte offer a more relaxed charm. Dining at establishments such as Le Sport Nautique provides an opportunity to enjoy fresh seafood against the backdrop of the Mediterranean, followed by leisurely walks through historic harbour districts. From its golden beaches and sun-drenched landscapes to its rich cultural heritage, Tunisia lives up to its reputation as the “balcony of the Mediterranean”.  In bringing together economic ambition and cultural richness, Tunisia offers more than just a destination, it presents an opportunity. Whether through high-level platforms like Fita or through its vibrant tourism offerings, the country positions itself as a key player in Africa’s future while inviting the world to discover its timeless charm.

Tembeka Ngcukaitobi has been appointed as an acting justice of the Constitutional Court, with his term scheduled to run from 1 June to 30 November 2026.  That appointment has produced a wave of celebration across social media and among commentators who read it as a victory for black excellence in the legal profession. In the same breath, Ngcukaitobi is representing the white conservative side fighting the Legal Sector Code, a Solidarity-backed challenge to one of the clearest black empowerment instruments in the legal profession. This means that, while commentators celebrate his rise to the CC, he is also carrying the legal argument against a code meant to shift ownership, briefs and institutional power to black practitioners. That fact changes the entire meaning of the applause. South Africa is asked to celebrate his rise to the apex court while looking away from the courtroom where he helps carry the argument against one of the most direct instruments of black empowerment in the legal profession.  Can symbolic black ascent really mean transformation when black legal labour serves an economy of law still commanded by white institutional power? Deneys Reitz, Webber Wentzel, Werksmans and Bowmans have entered the Gauteng high court in Pretoria to fight the Legal Sector Code. The code sets a 50% black ownership target for large firms within five years, including 25% black women ownership.  Reuters reports that white South Africans make up about 7% of the population while holding 72% of partnerships at top law firms. The case shows how the legal fraternity converts black legal labour into a weapon against black collective advancement.  White power no longer needs to enter court with an open apartheid face when a black advocate can carry the argument against black ownership.  White institutional power can speak through merit, neutrality and constitutional reason while making a black man the enforcer of its will against his own people’s material claim. The white system has long sent black bodies to carry out the defeat of black collective demands when open white force would reveal too much. It keeps the white face for victory, authority, civility, judgment and historical authorship. It sends black intermediaries to do the dirty work of discipline, fracture and retreat. The black figure absorbs the political heat while the white institution preserves its manners. Ngcukaitobi’s role in this case forces a harder question than the noise around his appointment allows. Can a black advocate of his stature stand against a movement for black transformation in a profession that still locks most black lawyers out of meaningful economic power and still be received as the uncomplicated face of transformation?  Can the celebration of his appointment survive the fact that his present legal skill serves those resisting the transfer of ownership, briefs, authority and institutional control to black practitioners? The Bar will invoke the cab-rank rule, which generally requires counsel to accept a brief in a field where they practise, even when they dislike the client or cause. Yet the rule allows refusal where conflicts, competence, availability, improper instructions, fee issues or other special circumstances arise.  The rule may explain why an advocate accepts an unpopular brief. It does not remove the political meaning of a black senior counsel carrying the argument for white conservative forces against a black empowerment code. Large white firms built capacity through apartheid exclusion, then called inherited capacity merit after 1994. They accumulated banking work, mining work, corporate retainers, state contracts, commercial litigation, procurement pipelines and conveyancing panels through a racial order that denied black lawyers access to the same accumulation.  Democracy arrived and these firms translated apartheid advantage into market dominance. They turned exclusion into “standards”, then asked black practitioners to compete in a marketplace already loaded against them. The Legal Sector Code strikes at this inheritance. The code confronts the ownership patterns, briefing routes, partnership structures and commercial networks through which white firms continue to command the profession.  It challenges the passage of work from one white partner to another, from one corporate boardroom to a familiar firm, from one briefing attorney to a chosen successor. It exposes the fiction that large white firms became large through neutral excellence rather than racial accumulation, protected markets and inherited access. The large firms now ask the court to protect them from transformation targets because they claim the code lacks rationality, practicality and lawfulness.  Their public statements speak the language of broad-based transformation, while their court action seeks to remove the most direct pressure on their ownership structures.  Reuters reports that the firms argue the five-year timeline will not work because equity partnership takes longer and must follow merit. That argument avoids the centre of power. Firms inside that small elite sit closest to capital, state work and corporate command. A small cluster of elite firms controls the high-value work that builds capacity, reputation and generational wealth, then uses the weakness produced by exclusion as evidence that black firms lack scale.  The fraternity turns black-on-black violence into a career pathway when it rewards black advocates who defend the structures that keep other black legal practitioners outside command.  Courtrooms can produce this violence through silk, heads of argument, commercial logic and constitutional diction. A black advocate can defend the commercial architecture that keeps thousands of black lawyers outside meaningful economic power.  A celebrated appointment can become the alibi for an economy that refuses black control. The acting appointment deepens the political problem because it places a black advocate inside the apex architecture of the same legal order that sorts black legal minds into acceptable and dangerous categories.  The acceptable black advocate receives applause, briefs, silk, appointments and proximity to power. The troublesome black advocate, the rebel who refuses to serve white continuity, receives suspicion, isolation, professional punishment and eventual purging. The fraternity understands the value of black authority administering this violence from inside the institution. White power no longer needs to perform exclusion with its own hands when a black figure can help decide which black legal practitioners become signs of progress and which ones must leave the room.  The fraternity turns representation into discipline through this mechanism. The black man becomes the enforcer of white institutional will while the institution presents the act as constitutional maturity. Liberal commentators then provide the chorus of respectability. Many who imagine themselves radical lack the acumen to understand the structural violence against the black majority they claim to champion. They love the black excellence trope because it gives them a clean story with a famous name, a prestigious appointment and a congratulatory post.  They have no appetite for ownership, briefs, partnership, institutional command and economic transfer. They peddle obfuscation through reductionist interpretations of black life and build small empires from slogan and spectacle. The Legal Sector Code case reaches far beyond a technical B-BBEE dispute. The case forces the country to confront the legal profession as an apartheid asset that never underwent full economic transfer.  Law helped structure dispossession. Law protected land theft. Law defended pass controls, labour discipline, forced removals, banning orders, mining capital, farm property and white commercial privilege. After 1994, the profession rebranded itself as guardian of constitutional democracy while its internal economy barely moved. Black lawyers know this in their bodies. They know who receives the brief, who gets introduced to the client, who enters partnership discussions, who receives patience, mentorship and second chances.  Reuters reports that current and former black employees at several of the firms described discrimination, barriers to advancement, alleged favouritism in case allocation and promotion disputes, while the firms denied discrimination and pointed to their internal processes. Those accounts show the flesh beneath the statistics. Ngcukaitobi faces the political meaning of this moment whether the legal fraternity admits it or not.  Can a black advocate stand with the white conservative side fighting black legal empowerment and still function as the uncomplicated face of transformation?  Can the profession use individual black ascent to cover the blocked transfer of ownership, briefs and command? Black legal labour deserves more than ceremonial applause from the order that fears black power. It belongs in the service of the majority, not in defence of white institutional property.  It must build a legal economy under black command, with ownership, briefs, institutions, authority and historical repair placed in the hands of those locked out for generations. Until that happens, every celebration of individual black ascent will carry the same bitter question: How does a black advocate become the sign of transformation while standing against the movement that seeks to make transformation real? Gillian Schutte is a South African writer, filmmaker and political analyst. She specialises in African politics, geopolitics, multipolarity, media power, Western imperialism and the unfinished question of African sovereignty in post-apartheid South Africa.

Kaizer Chiefs’ aggressive displays against Orlando Pirates and Mamelodi Sundowns may have divided opinion, but the physical edge could ultimately strengthen South African clubs and Bafana Bafana for tougher international competition.

THE Hawks have arrested Sandra Pillay, a 53-year-old woman from Durban, in connection with a significant drug laboratory investigation in Standerton, where millions in cash and luxury vehicles were seized.

An approximate 30 rape cases against the Gauteng police are not a true reflection of the situation, say experts. They were reacting to the 2024-25 annual report from the Independent Police Investigative Directorate (Ipid), which revealed there were 27 alleged rape cases involving police in Gauteng. 27 alleged Gauteng police rape cases The figures included members of the South African Police Service (Saps), municipal police departments and traffic officials. According to the report, the overall number of crime cases involving law enforcement officers for the period was 928. Gender-based violence activist Sihle Sibisi, from Kwanele Foundation, said: “The police had failed women and the people who were in charge of Saps because behind the uniform is a human being. “And it means these police officers had not been thoroughly assessed or scrutinised to see if they are fit for the job”. Sibisi said the situation was worse than what was disclosed because police have access to dockets and can make them disappear. “The recorded figures are not a true reflection of the situation. Figures hide true scale “Obviously, they are going to try and make the issue look like it is not that rampant, fearing the public might get angry with the police. “Remember we are approaching election time; they will not want to show the real truth of the dirt that’s happening.” Sibisi said the statistics send a message that women must not trust the police. She asked how a rape victim could feel comfortable about reporting a case under such circumstances. “Those dirty police officers must be named and shamed so people know who they are. What is the point of being assisted by such police officers?” Prof Witness Maluleke, a senior criminologist at the University of Limpopo, said it was shocking to learn that those who entrusted with policing and protecting the public were agents of criminality. “As a result, women are seen as soft targets of lust and uncontrollable sexual urges. Women seen as soft targets “The reported cases are just a tip of the iceberg, as rape cases are less reported, since the criminal justice system is currently not winning the war against this scourge. “Some victims solve the cases within the domestic domain and such cases do not reach the law enforcement agencies. “Overall, this is not a true reflection of rape cases by the police across SA communities.” Maluleke said the public should be vigilant as they were not protected against this crime. “The public remains vulnerable, without effective policing strategies tailored towards bringing the police who victimise rape victims to [justice]. “We should protect ourselves, self-policing is needed, and we should be vigilant at all times, while we do not trust anyone, including the police, as the majority cannot be trusted and they are criminals who do not deserve to be part of the service. Finding should not be taken lightly “Police management should clean their house, we cannot have a country with police who are not following the code of conduct, rules and regulations that govern them.” Maluleke said the findings of the 2024-25 Ipid report should not be taken lightly and should be used to reform current strategies employed to effectively respond to police criminality, misconduct and irregularities. He said the shared revelations call for further investigations by other oversight bodies, while ensuring proper implementations of the findings. Maluleke called for the dismissal and suspension of police reportedly on the wrong side of the law, as well as instituting civil and criminal cases against them. Michael Sun, a DA member of the Gauteng legislature, said: “The party calls for urgent accountability to address this crisis in the police service, restore trust in the badge and protect all Gauteng residents. “This figure alone raises serious concerns about accountability, oversight and the safety of residents, particularly women, who are supposed to be protected by those in uniform.” Urgent accountability Sun has called for urgent accountability to address this crisis in the police , restore trust in the badge, and protect the public. “These rape incidents are not only criminal, but they also represent a gross betrayal of public trust. Police officers take an oath to serve and protect.”

South Africa’s constitution is often celebrated as a transformative document – a beacon of human rights and a repudiation of apartheid-era segregation. Central to its founding principles is the powerful preamble: “South Africa belongs to all who live in it, united in our diversity.” This statement was a bold declaration against the injustices of apartheid, which confined the majority black population to Bantustans and reserved the land for a privileged minority. It was a resolute affirmation that South Africa now belongs to all its people, regardless of race or background. However, recent interpretations by the Constitutional Court have arguably distorted this historic pronouncement. By broadly interpreting the constitution’s rights conferred to “everyone” as including not only South Africans, but also foreign nationals, the court risks undermining the very ethos of the nation’s founding – a nation that belongs to its citizens, especially those who suffered systemic exclusion and denial of dignity. The landmark Endumeni judgment of the Supreme Court of Appeal (2012) emphasised that language used in legal texts should not be read in isolation, but within the broader context – social, historical, and constitutional (teleological) – that gives it meaning. Applying this principle to the constitution’s preamble and language, it becomes evident that the phrase “everyone” was not intended to be an open-ended inclusion of all people globally. Instead, it refers to the South African people – those who have historically been denied dignity and rights under apartheid. The constitution was crafted as a social contract to redress historical wrongs and ensure the dignity of the majority marginalised population is restored and protected. The current broad interpretation by the court has profound implications. By including foreign nationals and illegal immigrants under the umbrella of “everyone”, South Africans – particularly the historically marginalised black majority – are placed in competition for scarce resources such as housing, health care and social services. This interpretation risks exacerbating social tensions, fuelling xenophobia, and undermining efforts to build a cohesive nation founded on the principles of justice and redress. Moreover, this approach arguably perpetuates the exclusion of the black majority. They were once forcibly removed from their land and stripped of their dignity. Now, they are expected to compete with the entire world for access to limited resources. Such a narrative risks reversing the progress made towards redressing historical injustices, replacing it with a zero-sum competition where the rights of South Africans are diminished in favour of an overly broad inclusion. The phrase, “belongs to all who live in it”, was not a declaration that South Africa belongs to everyone from across the world, but rather to all its citizens, especially those who endured systemic oppression and exclusion. It was a call for national sovereignty rooted in the collective identity and dignity of its people – particularly the black majority that was marginalised. Contextually, this statement was a radical affirmation that the nation’s land and resources are the patrimony of its citizens. It was a repudiation of apartheid’s racialised land dispossession and a pledge to build a society founded on equality, dignity, and inclusive nationhood. The expansive interpretation by the court threatens to undermine the legitimacy of the constitution itself. The document was borne out of a struggle against systemic injustice, a collective effort to rebuild a nation that was torn apart by racial segregation and oppression. When the judiciary appears to distort its fundamental principles – treating the constitution as a promiscuous document that can be reinterpreted to serve transient political or social interests – there is a real risk that the people will view the entire constitutional order with suspicion and disdain. This could lead to a dangerous erosion of trust, with some citizens perceiving that the constitution is being prostituted – used as a pliable tool for political expediency, rather than as a sacred social contract rooted in justice and shared values. While the principles of human rights are universal, their application must be rooted in the specific context of SA’s history and societal realities. The court must return to the interpretative approach advocated in Endumeni – reading “everyone” in light of the constitution’s transformative goals. Only then can the judiciary uphold the true spirit of the constitution: a nation where the black majority, after centuries of exclusion, is empowered, not displaced.

Singer Josh Groban was honoured with the 2,843rd star on the Hollywood Walk of Fame on 6 May. The ceremony took place at the site of the star at 6212 Hollywood Boulevard. On hand to witness the moment were Ellen K, Ben Schwartz, Josh Gad, and Walk of Famer David Foster, who has also played a big part in Groban’s career. The Hollywood Chamber of Commerce gave Groban his star in the category of Recording. Groban acknowledged the moment on his social media, with a post captioned: “Still taking it all in. What an unforgettable day on Hollywood Blvd. To everyone who came out, shared kind words, cheered, and celebrated this moment with me – thank you! Having a star on the Hollywood Walk of Fame is beyond anything I could’ve imagined when I first started making music 25 years ago. So grateful to my family, friends, team, and this incredible community that’s been with me every step of the way. Here’s a little look back at a day I’ll never forget.” View this post on Instagram A post shared by Josh Groban (@joshgroban) Groban broke onto the music scene as a teenager when he made an appearance in Ally McBeal and when he joined Celine Dion in rehearsal for the Grammys at the age of 17. He has nine studio albums under his belt, with a tenth one, Cinematic, scheduled for release today.

Kaizer Chiefs are closing in on a CAF Confederation Cup place. Here’s all you need to know before their clash at Sekhukhune. Kaizer Chiefs close in on third After a 1-1 draw with Sundowns on Wednesday, Chiefs know that five more points will guarantee third place in the Betway Premiership this term. Next up is a trip to Sekhukhune on Sunday, 10 May, kickoff at 17:30. The match will air on DStv channel 202. Three points here would put them within touching distance of CAF Confederation Cup qualification. Midfielder Siphesihle Ndlovu misses the match through suspension after his booking against Sundowns. Chiefs do Orlando Pirates a favour After a 1-1 draw between Kaizer Chiefs and Sundowns, Pirates know that convincing wins in their three remaining fixtures will likely secure a first title since 2012. They trail Sundowns by three points, with a game in hand, but have a favourable goal difference of +41. Sundowns’ goal difference sits at +34. The Brazilians kick off first on Saturday against Siwelele, so Pirates could trail them by six points when their match with Magesi kicks off that evening. It’s going to the wire in 2025-26. We’ll certainly see what Pirates are made of if Sundowns manage to heap some scoreboard pressure onto the Sea Robbers this weekend.

Digital identity experts have welcomed new draft regulations as a good starting point but have flagged areas of concern.

Broadcaster-only election rules leave South Africa exposed to the AI-driven disinformation already shaping votes elsewhere.