The Jetour T2 has become the first ever Chinese vehicle to win the South African Car of the Year title. This marks as successful of a year as Jetour could have hoped for as the T2 has been an instant favourite since entering the South African market in November 2025. To date, Jetour has sold over 3200 units in the country. Part of its success is down to the value for money the car offers. Priced from R569 900 to 679 900 for the petrol models, the T2 offers a luxurious interior, a blissful drive, a beautiful and boxy exterior and is capable of tackling different terrains quite comfortably. There is now no doubt that those who called it a “pretender” due to its resemblance of the Land Rover Defender will have to eat their words. The Jetour T2 is far from that. It is absolute value for money and the sales figures and now the award shows it. It was also announced earlier this month that Jetour will begin local production of the T-Series in South Africa from 2027. After Chery acquired Nissan’s plant in Rosslyn, brands like Jetour, iCAUR, Omoda, Jaecoo and Chery can all be expected to be produced in South Africa as they all fall under the same group. The Volkswagen Golf 1.4 TSI came second and the Audi RS Q8 rounded off the podium at this year’s COTY awards. Both German vehicles offer excellence in their respective categories, but overall, with the hype the T2 has, it just felt inevitable that it would take top spot. The VW Golf also picked up the award for the compact category beating the likes of the BMW 2 series Gran Coupe and the BYD Dolphin Surf. The Chinese were not done with winning for the night however as the extremely stylish Omoda C7 picked up the award for the family category. The Jetour T2 picked up another award in the mild adventure category while the Land Rover Defender Octa won the adventure award. Audi also scored two awards as the RS Q8 and A5 picked up the performance and premium awards respectively. The Alfa Romeo Junior picked up the design award to cap off a very vast selection of winners for 2026.

At a recent press briefing, His Excellency Mansour Shakib Mehr, Ambassador of the Islamic Republic of Iran to the Republic of South Africa, pushed back against one of the West’s favourite images of Iran: a country supposedly weakened to the point of hunger, collapse and social exhaustion.  Western media still reports on Iran’s imagined vulnerabilities as though sanctions have left the country starving. That account bears little relation to the Iran he described.  He spoke of food security, ongoing production, functioning markets and an economy that has learned, through decades of coercion, how to survive outside the approval systems of the West. That statement offers a more exacting entry point into Iran’s political structure than the usual Western obsession with clerics, veils and nuclear hysteria. Iran has endured sanctions, assassinations, sabotage, information warfare, diplomatic pressure and economic containment yet the state has held. It has held because, unlike most postcolonial and neocolonial states, it turned sovereignty into institutional design.  Iran also governs from a civilisational depth. It is an ancient civilisation with a political memory shaped by empire, religion, science, invasion, resistance and statecraft.  That depth informs its refusal to let the West define its legitimacy or reduce its political order to a post-1979 problem. The Islamic Republic’s strength lies in the way revolutionary legitimacy, administrative capacity and strategic defence reinforce one another.  It built a state form that treats sovereignty as requiring defence through law, ideology, administration, intelligence, food systems, trade routes, security institutions and civilisational confidence. From this vantage point, sanctions look less like principled diplomacy than failed siege warfare. Modern war without occupation Iran’s governance structure rests on a rigorous reading of modern power. Sovereignty does not disappear through invasion, occupation, tanks or missiles alone.  Foreign power also moves through banks, courts, universities, media systems, currency pressure, security doctrine, diplomatic isolation, cultural programmes, opposition funding and elite recruitment.  The West refined this method across the 20th century, especially through intelligence operations that turned domestic fracture into geopolitical opportunity in the name of “democracy rescue”. Iran learned this through direct injury. The 1953 overthrow of Mohammad Mossadegh remains one of the clearest examples of Western domination dressed as political management. Mossadegh nationalised Iranian oil and asserted the right of a people to control their own resources.  Britain and the United States answered through intelligence operations, propaganda, elite collaboration and the restoration of monarchical authority under the Shah.  Democracy had limits when Western ownership faced a sovereign challenge. The 1979 Islamic Revolution brought that memory into the structure of the state. It opposed the Shah and the deeper arrangement behind him: externally managed modernisation, oil dependency, monarchical repression, foreign military alignment and the subordination of Iranian life to American strategic interests. The Islamic Republic emerged from that confrontation knowing that political victory without state redesign leaves a revolution open to reversal. The three-tiered structure of the Islamic Republic arises from that knowledge. The first tier guards revolutionary and Islamic sovereignty.  The second tier administers public life through elected and bureaucratic institutions. The third tier protects the state against sanctions, sabotage, intelligence warfare, military threat and foreign-backed destabilisation. The first tier: revolutionary and juristic sovereignty The first tier gives Iran its ideological centre. It includes the Supreme Leader, the doctrine of velayat-e faqih, the Guardian Council, the Assembly of Experts and the constitutional institutions that protect the Islamic and revolutionary direction of the state. Western commentary usually reduces this layer to clerical rule because it cannot think beyond liberal secular assumptions.  The Supreme Leader guards the general direction of the Revolution, supervises strategic policy, commands the armed forces, confirms key decisions and protects the founding principles of the Republic from factional reversal. The doctrine of velayat-e faqih gives this authority its religious and political foundation.  It holds that qualified Islamic juristic leadership must guide the state so that political power remains tied to moral authority, Islamic law and revolutionary purpose. Iran rejects the liberal assumption that religion belongs outside public authority and builds political legitimacy through its own civilisational grammar. The Guardian Council reviews legislation for compatibility with Islam and the Constitution. It supervises elections and protects the constitutional boundaries of the Republic. Liberal commentary treats this as a restriction.  Iran reads it as defence against counter-revolution, foreign-backed factions and ideological surrender. The Assembly of Experts gives the office of the Leader a constitutional location. It elects the Leader and carries responsibility for the continuity of that office. Revolutionary guardianship therefore sits inside institutional design rather than personality or charisma. The second tier: republican administration The second tier runs the government. It includes the president, cabinet, parliament, ministries, provincial administration, public services, elections and the institutions that manage daily life. The president heads the executive. Parliament legislates, approves budgets, questions ministers and gives political expression to social interests within the constitutional framework. Ministries oversee health, education, infrastructure, trade, diplomacy, welfare, energy and planning.  Elections allow political currents to compete for authority within the Republic. This tier undermines the crude claim that Iran operates as one clerical command. Iranian politics contains conservatives, reformists, technocrats, clerical networks, security-aligned forces, provincial interests, economic blocs, class pressures and youth demands.  These forces argue over policy, compete for influence and shape administration. The Republic permits contestation while defending its founding direction. A president may alter policy. Parliament may change legislation. Electoral outcomes may shift the balance between factions.  The system still prevents any elected actor from turning the state into an instrument of foreign strategy. The third tier: strategic defence The third tier gives Iran durability under siege. It includes the Supreme National Security Council, the regular armed forces, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), intelligence structures and the wider security machinery. The Supreme National Security Council shows the precision of the model. The president chairs it. Senior political, military, intelligence and institutional figures participate in strategic decision-making.  The Leader confirms its decisions. This places the elected executive, the security establishment and juristic authority inside one coordinated structure. Many postcolonial states suffer because elected governments and security institutions answer to different centres of power. Civilian leaders may speak of sovereignty while military doctrine follows foreign patrons. Intelligence services may form private relationships with external agencies. Defence policy may drift away from national development. Iran designed its system to prevent that split. The IRGC gives this tier its revolutionary force. It protects the Revolution, guards strategic infrastructure, supports deterrence and carries the military memory of the Republic. Western analysts call this politicisation of the military, although every army protects a political order. Iran names the order its revolutionary force exists to defend. The regular army protects territorial integrity. The IRGC protects the Revolution and strategic depth. Intelligence bodies monitor infiltration, sabotage and foreign-backed destabilisation. These institutions give Iran a security doctrine rooted in survival rather than dependency. Sanctions, dissent and state survival Iran’s sanctions-busting economy belongs inside this wider state design. Decades of coercion have produced hardship but they have failed to create the broken famine-state required by Western imagination. Iran reads dissent inside the same geopolitical field. Social anger may arise from real conditions, while foreign power may fund, narrate and redirect that anger until it serves external strategy. This is why the Islamic Republic treats sanctions, media narratives, NGOs, opposition funding and intelligence operations as connected instruments of pressure. Built for endurance Iran rejects the fiction that the state is neutral machinery. Its three-tiered structure joins juristic sovereignty, republican administration and strategic defence into one sovereign state form. The Islamic Republic understood that a revolution which fails to control the state will eventually be controlled through it. It kept the state ideological, historical and defended. That is why Iran remains standing despite years of sanctions and Israel’s US-backed war against it. Gillian Schutte is a South African writer, filmmaker and political analyst. She specialises in African politics, geopolitics, multipolarity, media power, Western imperialism and the unfinished question of African sovereignty in post-apartheid South Africa.

Hugo Broos named his final 26-man Bafana Bafana World Cup squad, with notable omissions including Brandon Petersen, Thabiso Monyane and Lebogang Maboe as South Africa prepare for the tournament.

This is the first time ever that a Chinese vehicle has won the prestigious competition, which celebrates its 40th anniversary this year.

Kaizer Chiefs left back Bradley Cross was the surprise pick as Bafana Bafana head coach Hugo Broos named his final 26-man squad on Wednesday for the 2026 Fifa World Cup finals in the USA, Canada and Mexico. Bafana’s shock name Cross has yet to make his debut for Bafana, but the 25 year will be on the plane to Mexico after impressing for Amakhosi this season. Broos named three left backs in his squad – Cross, Samukelo Kabini and Aubrey Modiba. Modiba is surely first choice, but has a hamstring injury that ruled him out of Mamelodi Sundowns’ Caf Champions League final second leg clash with AS FAR on Sunday. The six players to miss out from the Bafana preliminary squad named last week were Kaizer Chiefs goalkeeper Brandon Petersen, Amakhosi right back Thabiso Monyane, Chiefs midfielder Lebohang Maboe, Durban City midfielder Brooklyn Poggenpoel, Orlando Pirates playmaker Patrick Maswanganyi, and Mamelodi Sundowns wing-back Thapelo Morena. Morena has also been missing from the Sundowns side with an injury. Broos interestingly picked Pirates’ Kamogelo Sebelebele as a defender having originally named him as a forward. It could be that Sebelebele is seen, like Morena, as an option for Broos both at right back and on the right wing. Maswanganyi’s absence means Broos has stuck with Relebohile Mofokeng and Temba Zwane as his two potential number 10s. Chaine picked over Petersen There was some speculation that Petersen would make the squad in place of Orlando Pirates’ keeper Sipho Chaine. But Broos has stuck with Chaine, and has generally kept faith in the players that served him so well in 2026 Fifa World Cup qualifying. “There were hard decisions to make,” said Broos. “Always when you make a list of players there will be disappointed players. Who doesn’t want to go to the World Cup? I was a player I know how they (the players who missed out) will feel. “These are very difficult decisions but it is also part of my job to do it and I hope I chose the right names.” Bafana will play Nicaragua in a friendly tomorrow at the Orlando Amstel Arena in their final match before they jet off for their training camp in Pachuca. Broos’ side will be training at altitude in preparation for the opening match of the Fifa World Cup against Mexico at the Azteca Stadium on June 11. Bafana squad Goalkeepers: Ronwen Williams, Ricardo Goss, Sipho Chaine Defenders: Khuliso Mudau, Mbekezeli Mbokazi, Ime Okon, Nkosinathi Sibisi, Khulumani Ndamane, Aubrey Modiba, Samukelo Kabini, Thabang Matuludi, Olwethu Makhanya, Kamogelo Sebelebele, Bradley Cross Midfielders: Teboho Mokoena, Jayden Adams, Sphephelo Sithole, Thalente Mbatha Forwards: Oswin Appollis, Iqraam Rayners, Tshepang Moremi, Relebohile Mofokeng, Evidence Makgopa, Themba Zwane, Lyle Foster, Thapelo Maseko

Get the Lotto and Lotto Plus results as soon as they are drawn on The Citizen, so you can rest easy and check your tickets with confidence. Estimated Lotto and Lotto jackpots for Wednesday, 27 May 2026: Lotto: R13 million Lotto Plus 1: R7 million Lotto Plus 2: R9 million Lotto and Lotto Plus results for Wednesday, 27 May 2026: Lotto: 08, 17, 29, 35, 38, 56. Bonus: 50. Lotto Plus 1: 05, 31, 46, 47, 55, 58. Bonus: 03. Lotto Plus 2: 03, 08, 11, 17, 33, 50. Bonus: 51. The winning Lotto numbers will appear after the draw. Usually within 10 minutes of the draw. You might need to refresh the page to see the updated results. While great care has been taken to ensure accuracy, The Citizen cannot take responsibility for any error in the results. We suggest verifying the numbers on the National Lottery website. For more details and to verify the PowerBall results, visit the National Lottery website. When do South African National Lottery ticket sales close? Lottery outlets close at 8.30pm on the day of a draw, which takes place at 9pm. The terms and conditions may differ from other service outlets. Visit www.nationallottery.co.za for more information. You can find the historical winning numbers for PowerBall and Lotto draws here. How much does it cost to play Lotto? Lotto entries cost R5 per board including VAT. Lotto Plus costs an additional R2.50 per board. You can also play Lotto on selected banking apps (T’s & C’s apply).

President Cyril Ramaphosa has promised South Africans an additional public holiday this year, on one condition: Bafana Bafana lift the FIFA World Cup trophy! The South African national soccer team received a warm send-off from the South African Football Association (SAFA) and various sponsors ahead of their departure this weekend. This comes after the official tournament squad was publicly announced. The boys in green and yellow will play the opening match against one of the three host countries – Mexico – on 11 June. Before they leave, the squad will play Nicaragua in a friendly match. BAFANA BAFANA SQUAD ANNOUNCED On Wednesday, Bafana Bafana coach Hugo Broos named the official 26-man squad that will represent South Africa at the FIFA World Cup. The announcement took place at a send-off dinner at the Union Buildings in Pretoria. They are: Goalkeepers: Ronwen Williams (Mamelodi Sundowns), Ricardo Goss (Siwelele), Sipho Chaine (Orlando Pirates) Defenders: Khuliso Mudau, Aubrey Modiba, Khulumani Ndamane (all Mamelodi Sundowns), Olwethu Makhanya (Philadelphia Union, USA), Bradley Cross (Kaizer Chiefs), Thabang Matuludi (Polokwane City), Nkosinathi Sibisi, Kamogelo Sebelebele (both Orlando Pirates), Ime Okon (Hannover 96, Germany), Samukele Kabini (Molde FK, Norway), Mbekezeli Mbokazi (Chicago Fire, USA) Will Bafana Bafana earn South Africa an additonal public holiday? Image: @BafanaBafana/X Midfielders: Teboho Mokoena, Jayden Adams (both Mamelodi Sundowns), Thalente Mbatha (Orlando Pirates), Sphephelo Sithole (Tondela, Portugal) Forwards: Oswin Appollis, Tshepang Moremi, Evidence Makgopa, Relebohile Mofokeng (all Orlando Pirates), Lyle Foster (Burnley, England), Iqraam Rayners, Themba Zwane (all Mamelodi Sundowns), Thapelo Maseko (AEL Limassol, Cyprus) The final Bafana Bafana 🇿🇦🔥 2026 FIFA World Cup squad is LOCKED IN! ⚽💛💚 From the safe hands in goal to the clinical forwards, these are the players who will represent South Africa on the global stage.​#BafanaPride@adidasfootball @adidasza @rexona_sa @standardbankza… pic.twitter.com/d9B9NPIpqF— Bafana Bafana (@BafanaBafana) May 27, 2026 AN EXTRA PUBLIC HOLIDAY? On his official X account, President Cyril Ramaphosa, who attended the send-off dinner, congratulated the squad and wished them well on their trip to the FIFA World Cup. In a tweet, the president joked about the national team making it to the final – and rewarding the public with a public holiday should the team win. He tweeted: “We wish you the very best as you head off to the tournament. I will be there when you lift the trophy on the 19th of July. And, yes, I will declare it a public holiday. He added: “May you have wind in your sails, steel in your veins and thunder in your boots” In his keynote speech, the president told the squad: “We do not want Group Stages or early exits, we don’t want the words ‘eliminated’ or ‘bowing out’. We want to see you compete with courage, determination and belief until the very end”. We wish you the very best as you head off to the tournament. I will be there when you lift the trophy on the 19th of July. And, yes, I will declare it a public holiday. May you have wind in your sails, steel in your veins and thunder in your boots. Cyril Ramaphosa 🇿🇦 (@CyrilRamaphosa) May 27, 2026 The FIFA World Cup finals fall on Sunday, 19 July – and a win for Bafana Bafana could mean a public holiday, and a day off the next day! The president added that he would likely be inundated with calls for additional public holidays as or when South Africa progresses throughout the tournament.

A number of Kaizer Chiefs supporters took to social media to express their frustration after only one Amakhosi player was included in Bafana Bafana’s final squad for the FIFA World Cup. Defender Bradley Cross was the only Chiefs player to make Hugo Broos’ final 26-man squad. Amakhosi stars, Brandon Petersen, Thabiso Monyane and Lebohang Maboe were among the other players who failed to make the cut. The 25-year-old Cross is also one of only two uncapped players selected, alongside Philadelphia Union defender Olwethu Makhanya. Chiefs players left out again in Bafana squad Chiefs players have largely been overlooked by Broos in recent years. During the World Cup qualifying campaign, no Amakhosi players featured regularly for Bafana Bafana, while the club also had no representatives in the squads for the 2023 and 2025 AFCON tournaments. Adding to the frustration among Chiefs fans, Broos selected eight players from rivals Orlando Pirates in his final squad. The Belgian tactician opted to rely on a core group of players he has trusted throughout his tenure. Supporters quickly reacted online following the squad announcement. Chiefs fans slam Bafana coach @ChosenDick247 wrote: “Sad, sad, sad. No Brandon Petersen. Hugo’s hate for Kaizer Chiefs runs deep.” @Sibuzakes posted: “That coach has something against Kaizer Chiefs players. He hates them with passion.” Meanwhile, @MpseSimon tweeted: “Kaizer Chiefs fans wanted him to hijack the success of other players, and the old man Broos said: ‘Over my dead body.’” Another supporter, @Mashesha_RSA, wrote: “Brandon Petersen is the only Kaizer Chiefs player who deserves to be part of the Bafana Bafana team. He worked very hard and proved himself.” Bafana will open their World Cup campaign against Mexico national football team at the iconic Estadio Azteca on 11 June. The are in Group A alongside Mexico, Czech Republic and South Korea. Here’s the final 26-man Bafana World Cup squad Goalkeepers:Williams, Goss, Chaine Defence:Mudau, Sibisi, Okon, Ndamane, Modiba, Kabini, Matuludi, Makhanya, Sebelebele, Cross, Mbokazi, Midfielders:Mokoena, Mbatha, Sithole, Adams, Forwards:Appollis, Rayners, Moremi, Mofokeng, Makgopa, Zwane, Foster, Maseko Whats your take on the squad?

A significant set of final regulations from Icasa has opened 900MHz of spectrum to Wi-Fi and private 5G operators.

South Africa moved to fix the car industry's right-to-repair gap in 2021; nothing similar for electronics has followed.