SK hynix reports a 632 percent surge in third-quarter operating profit driven by AI demand for advanced memory chips, despite falling short of market expectations and facing future challenges like weaker AI spending and increased competition.

SASSA has adjusts grant payment dates ahead of the elections, ensuring that vital financial support reaches beneficiaries without interruption.

South Africa’s fragmented political landscape is being shaped by identity as ideology, raising concerns that race, ethnicity and tribal affiliation are again becoming powerful political markers. Analysts warn that while identity politics is not unique to South Africa, its growing influence could undermine the constitutional vision of a non-racial society and deepen social divisions. Identity politics not unique to South Africa The concern was recently highlighted by retired judge Azhar Cachalia, head of Freedom Under Law, who warned that an “ugly brand of ethno-nationalist politics” is challenging the country’s constitutional foundations. Speaking at the University of Cape Town recently, Cachalia said some political movements are increasingly mobilising support around ethnicity, race and cultural identity, rather than shared constitutional values. Political analysts said the trend extends beyond South Africa and is evident across much of Africa, where voters often identify with leaders who share their ethnic, linguistic or cultural backgrounds. While the phenomenon manifests differently across political parties, analysts Lesiba Teffo and Dirk Kotzé agree identity politics is becoming a more visible feature of South Africa’s political landscape. Kotzé said the growth of the uMkhonto weSizwe (MK) party has less to do with conventional election dynamics and more to do with the fact that its leader, Jacob Zuma, is Zulu and that its support base is overwhelmingly Zulu. He recalled that the party emerged amid claims of Zulu humiliation following Zuma’s conviction for contempt of court and subsequent imprisonment. MK party growth tied to Zulu identity “Zulus believe they are a nation and the rest of us must respect them,” Kotzé said, adding other parties also draw support through identity politics. “What it means is that identity politics is becoming a growing trend. The Patriotic Alliance [PA] is part of it, the Freedom Front Plus [FF+] is part of it and, now, MK party is also part of it,” he said. “More recently, Fadiel Adams and his National Coloured Congress have also entered the space.” However, Kotzé dismissed suggestions these parties were pursuing secession, except for some “gatvol” Capetonians and elements within the National Coloured Congress in the Western Cape. While he described the PA as part of the identity politics trend because of its appeal to coloured voters, he said the party was not advocating secession. At present, the idea of Western Cape secession is far less prominent than it was in previous years. PA, Freedom Front Plus and National Coloured Congress join trend Rather than seeking independence, groups advocating regional interests appear more focused on securing greater political influence within the existing constitutional framework. Kotzé said independence for the Western Cape or KwaZulu-Natal is unlikely to gain traction, given opposition from major political parties and the African Union’s long-standing position against altering colonial-era borders, partly out of concern that it could trigger instability and conflict. Zuma’s political rise was previously attributed by some analysts to his strong connection with Zulu identity. Some said he was embraced not only as a political leader, but as a Zulu. Similarly, Teffo said the United Democratic Movement (UDM) led by General Bantu Holomisa enjoys strong support among Xhosa-speaking communities, particularly in the Eastern Cape, because of Holomisa’s roots in what Teffo described as “Xhosa land”. Traditionally viewed as a “Transkei party”, the UDM has broadened its reach across the province as voters drift away from the ANC. Teffo said the EFF attracted strong youth support because its leader, Julius Malema, was young, radical and spoke directly to the aspirations of the youth. EFF capitalised on unemployment and marginalised youth He said the party had capitalised politically on unemployment and marginalised youth. Although the ANC embraces non-racialism and opposes tribalism, some critics viewed it during the Nelson Mandela and Thabo Mbeki administrations as being dominated by Xhosa-speaking leaders, with some commentators referring to the phenomenon as “Xhosa nostra”. Under Zuma, however, the focus was said to shift towards Zulu nationalism, with many Inkatha Freedom Party supporters reportedly switching allegiance to the ANC in support of him. The DA, meanwhile, is often perceived as a white-led party focused on the interests of wealthy South Africans and big business. Teffo agreed with Kotzé that the phenomenon is not unique to South Africa, but is evident across the African continent. In many African countries, political leaders are elected as much for who they are and the ethnic groups they represent, as for their policies. Appeals to ethnicity common in African election campaigns According to Teffo, appeals to ethnicity remain a common feature of election campaigns in Africa. Observers often point out that in Zimbabwe, aside from allegations of electoral manipulation, Zanu-PF has maintained its dominance, in part through support from the country’s Shona-speaking majority.

As South Africa prepares for next week’s local government elections, attention is on not only voting stations and ballot boxes but also the digital systems that capture, process and publish election results. South Africans will head to the highly anticipated polls on 4 November 2026 as several communities battle service-delivery issues. Digital readiness According to Nkuli Mbundu of BCX, the true measure of digital readiness goes beyond technology itself and depends on whether interconnected systems, people, and processes can withstand pressure when public institutions are under scrutiny. Mbundu said election technology often appears straightforward to the public, especially when results are displayed through online dashboards, but warned that complex operations happen behind the scenes. “On election night, a results dashboard can make an enormously complex national undertaking look deceptively simple. Behind every published result is a chain of responsibilities, people, systems, networks and controls that must work together under pressure.” Real test She argued that digital readiness should not be assessed based on the performance of individual systems alone. “The real test of digital readiness is whether the dependencies between infrastructure, applications, access, data, security, suppliers and operational teams are understood, managed and resilient when demand is high, and the consequences of disruption are significant.” Mbundu noted that operational challenges can arise even when individual components appear to be functioning normally. “A network may be available while an application is inaccessible. A security control may be operating as designed while an authorised team cannot reach the information it needs. Individual components tell only part of the story.” Cybersecurity With election-related systems expected to come under intense scrutiny during the voting and results process, she stressed the importance of preparedness, coordination and clear lines of responsibility. Cybersecurity, she said, must also be viewed as part of broader operational resilience rather than as a standalone issue. “The goal is not to promise that risk can be eliminated. It is to design proportionate safeguards, monitoring and response arrangements around the information and services an institution is responsible for protecting.” Responsibility Mbundu emphasised that while technology providers can support electoral operations, the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC) remains responsible for administering elections. “The IEC independently administers the election, including the counting, verification and declaration of results. Technology partners support defined aspects of the enabling environment; they do not count votes, verify results or determine electoral outcomes.” Audit Earlier this month, the IEC completed an independent external audit of its Election Results System as part of its preparations for the 2026 Local Government Elections. According to the commission, the system captures and collates election results and allocates seats to contesting parties and candidates. In June 2026, former president Jacob Zuma’s MK party hit back at accusations that its bid to overturn the 2024 election results was an act of a “grumpy loser”. The party insisted that a two‑hour blackout of the IEC’s live results dashboard may have compromised the integrity of the polls.

A Cape Town International Airport scam is costing some tourists thousands of rands for a single trip. The scammers pose as e-hailing drivers. They look the part, with reflective vests and fake identification. But by the time travellers notice the charge, they’ve already been dropped off. According to an Airports Company South Africa (ACSA) contractor who also works as an e-hailing driver, a syndicate of fake drivers is targeting foreign tourists at the airport, adding extra digits to turn a fare of about R250 into R25 000. He claimed that he regularly hears complaints from tourists who’ve been overcharged. HOW THE CAPE TOWN AIRPORT SCAM WORKS According to the latest reports, the fake drivers: Wear reflective vests and carry fake cards designed to look like official e-hailing driver identification Wait near the airport exits, targeting passengers who’ve just landed, often after long-haul flights Lie about where official e-hailing pickup points are, and convince travellers to cancel trips they’ve already booked through the app Drive passengers safely to their destination, but then charge their cards far more than the trip should cost SCAMMERS REMOVING WARNING SIGNS ACSA has put up signs at the airport warning travellers not to accept transport offers from people approaching them. However, many of the signs have since been removed by the scammers, according to the latest reports. EARLIER WARNINGS The scam isn’t new. In early October, crime watchdogs and a local improvement district warned visitors about fake drivers offering trips from the airport for between R10 000 and R25 000, the Weekend Argus reported. In one case, a visitor was allegedly charged R25 000 for a trip to Green Point. ACSA told the newspaper that touting is a criminal offence, and that it had responded with more warning signs, messages on terminal screens and visible security staff. In February, the US Embassy in South Africa also warned American travellers about people posing as e-hailing drivers at the airport, without a confirmed booking. HOW TO AVOID THE SCAM Book through the official app only, and never accept a lift from someone who approaches you in the terminal Check the driver’s name, number plate and car against the details in the app before you get in Never cancel an app booking because someone tells you to Don’t let anyone look at your phone to see your booking Use official pickup points, or arrange transport through an authorised kiosk inside the terminal Pre-book an airport transfer with a reputable operator, if you’d prefer not to use an app WHAT TO DO IF YOU’VE BEEN SCAMMED Contact your bank immediately to dispute the charge Report it to airport security or ACSA Open a case with the South African Police Service (SAPS) HAVE YOU EVER BEEN SCAMMED BY A FAKE DRIVER AT AN AIRPORT? Let us know in the comments below …

Calls for the removal of Cecil John Rhodes’ remains from Matobo Hills has sparked debate among Zimbabweans, with some supporting the move and others warning of its potential implications for tourism and local communities. Speaking during the SADC Anti-Sanctions Day commemorations in Mutare, Chief Senator Mutasa said chiefs from his province were united in their demand for the former British imperialist’s remains to be removed. “As chiefs of Manicaland, we are saying Rhodes’ bones must go,” he declared. The remarks have drawn mixed reactions online, with questions raised about regional representation, colonial history and the economic value of the burial site. One commenter, @Frank Bekezela Mpofu, argued that Matabeleland should not be conflated with Manicaland, while @Prince Sandile Vodloza questioned how Rhodes’ burial in Matobo affected people from the eastern province. Others focused on the potential economic consequences of removing the remains. “… that statue it can give us foreign currency, its a tourist attraction it create employment,” @Reggie Maf commented. Another commenter, @Leonard Mazodze, similarly argued that the site attracts tourists and generates income. However, some supported Mutasa’s position, with @Honesty Inno Chenjerai pointing to South Africa’s removal of Rhodes’ statue as evidence that colonial-era symbols can be reconsidered. Who was Cecil John Rhodes? Rhodes was a British businessman, mining magnate and politician who played a major role in British colonial expansion in southern Africa. He founded the British South Africa Company, which was instrumental in the colonisation of territories that became Zimbabwe. He also served as prime minister of the Cape Colony from 1890 to 1896. Rhodes died in Cape Town on 26 March 1902. According to South African History Online, he had requested in his will to be buried at World’s View in the Matobo Hills, where he was laid to rest in April that year. His legacy remains controversial because of his imperial ambitions and the dispossession of African communities associated with colonial rule. Tourism versus colonial legacy Matobo Hills is a UNESCO World Heritage Site known for its distinctive granite formations, ancient rock art and cultural significance. The dispute raises questions about how Zimbabwe should balance confronting its colonial past with preserving historical sites that may also support tourism. In South Africa, the Rhodes Must Fall movement culminated in the removal of his statue at the University of Cape Town on 9 April 2015. However, removing a statue and relocating human remains are different processes, and the latest call does not itself establish that Rhodes’ grave will be moved. The debate continues to highlight differing views on how Zimbabwe should remember its past while considering the interests of communities connected to its heritage sites.

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