Sean Combs has been transferred to a new prison in the US following an alleged fight and special treatment at Fort Dix.

A devastating drone strike near a market in West Kordofan, Sudan, killed 80 people, most of whom were commuters preparing to travel home.

Former president Thabo Mbeki has denied allegations that he secretly held meetings with former president FW de Klerk and the generals of the South African Defence Force (SADF) in an attempt to assist them avoid prosecutions for their apartheid-era crimes. On Monday, Mbeki appeared before the Khampepe Commission of Inquiry, which is investigating whether efforts were made to stop the prosecution of Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) cases. The Calata Group, representing families of the victims of apartheid-era crimes, accused the government and its various administrations it led, including Mbeki’s, of failing the TRC victims’ families by failing to instruct the Minister of Justice, National Directors of Prosecution and Police Commissioners to act on the TRC reports he received during his presidency. Mbeki also faces allegations that his administration interfered with the National Prosecuting Authority’s (NPA) work on the TRC cases. He also had to answer allegations that he and De Klerk took part in meetings with leaders of the SADF, the South African Police (SAP), and the ANC, where they agreed to find a political solution to avoid prosecutions. Another allegation against Mbeki was that he authorised, or was the source of authorisation for, the suspension of planned arrests in the Reverend Frank Chikane matter in 2006. Chikane was poisoned in 1989 when apartheid security branch operatives secretly laced his clothing with an organophosphate nerve agent. Law and Order Minister Adriaan Vlok and several former high-ranking officers pleaded guilty to attempted murder and received suspended prison sentences in 2007. ‘Complete fabrication’ Responding to the allegations of secret meetings with former apartheid generals to help them avoid prosecution, Mbeki said they were a “complete fabrication”. Mbeki said a meeting was held with the generals. However, they discussed the generals’ request that National Party leaders testify before the amnesty committee first, providing details of the orders they gave to the foot soldiers. The foot soldiers would then testify about how they carried out those orders. “It’s a complete fabrication. There’s no such thing. There are no such meetings that took place in order to secure amnesty for them,” Mbeki told the commission. “There was one particular meeting with both generals of the SADF and the SAP who raised a problem, the problem they faced. And they said to us that what they think needs to happen is that their political principals, De Klerk and Cabinet, ought to come to the amnesty committee to tell the truth about what they did on these matters which are addressed by the amnesty committee, as the political leadership. “If they did that, they, the generals, would then come to the amnesty committee in order to explain to the amnesty committee what they did in order to implement decisions that would have come from their principals. “As a consequence of both of those interventions, they were saying we avoid a situation where what was happening then, in their view, was that the foot soldier who was implementing decisions that had come from above, ‘go and kill so-and-so’, that was the person who was appearing before the amnesty committee without the context of that decision or the decision carried out by this foot soldier.” ‘ANC first’ Mbeki testified that the decision was that ANC leaders would testify before the amnesty committee first and apply for amnesty for the decisions they had made. “The ANC would then go to the leadership of the National Party to say, ‘Please do as we have done’. So we acted on that. And the reason we went to the amnesty committee was to respond to what the senior security officers of the apartheid order had said to us, that it’s necessary that their political principals must start the process of going to the amnesty committee. “So we said we will give them an example by ourselves going to the amnesty committee, as this leadership of the ANC, that would open the door. Therefore, that meeting between us and these security officers of the apartheid order did take place.” ‘Interference’ On allegations that his administration interfered with the NPA’s work on TRC cases, Mbeki said they raised in parliament the issue of a “significant number” of people who had not gone to the TRC but had committed offences that should normally have gone to the TRC amnesty committee. “The question that the government was raising in that speech to Parliament in 2003 is, what do we do about that? And essentially said, why don’t we leave this matter to the NPA? And we suggest that the NPA, in addition to its work, must, in this case, with regard to these matters, try to seek the truth. It must seek the truth from these people because there are many outstanding issues that are threatening even democracy.” The issues include the arms caches that were never disclosed, people who had disappeared, had been killed, but whose bodies were not known. “On threats to the national security in relation to the arms cache, there was information available from Intelligence Services that there were arms caches and that there were people – a group called the Boeremag – who were determined to use force to destabilise the democratic state,” testified Mbeki. “So that’s what that statement to Parliament in 2003 deals with, not discussions that we had with apartheid generals. Yes. It’s no instance at all, Chairperson, no instance at all, that the national executive intervened to stop the prosecution of cases referred to the NPA by the TRC. Any statement made that that happened is a lie. None of that ever happened.” Pardons Mbeki also testified about the pardons he initially granted apartheid-era convicts in 2002 after the TRC had completed its work. These were people who did not appear before the TRC. In 2002, civil organisations, including the Helen Suzman Foundation, criticised Mbeki for his lack of transparency in granting pardons. “After the TRC completed its work, my office received numerous requests for pardons from persons who claimed to have committed offences and human rights violations for political reasons and who were convicted for those offences,” explained Mbeki. “The persons who applied for these pardons had not appeared before the TRC, and it seemed that some of these cases were relevant to the pursuit of national reconciliation. I had initially granted some of these applications for pardons. “I had previously exercised the pardoning power in 2002 in relation to a number of prisoners who were convicted of politically motivated offences. That exercise attracted public criticism, especially from the Helen Suzman Foundation and the former chairperson of the TRC, the late Archbishop Emeritus Desmond Tutu.” As a result, the government considered a more structured and transparent process for future applications necessary.

Former Gauteng Premier Mbhazima Shilowa has criticised DA Joburg mayoral candidate Helen Zille’s latest campaign stunt, saying it may distract voters from the message she wants to convey. Zille took her campaign to Nasrec Expo Centre in Johannesburg over the weekend, where she rocked up to her final “Now or Never” rally in a Gusheshe. The stunt was part of the party’s campaign ahead of South Africa’s 2026 local government elections, using humour and visual stunts to draw attention to Johannesburg’s municipal challenges. Taking to social media, Shilowa asked how people would react if mayoral candidates from other political parties entered a stadium in a Gusheshe, a modified BMW associated with spinning culture. “Of course you would find it revolting. So why is this Zille stunt said to be cool?” he asked. Shilowa argued that the spectacle risked overshadowing the campaign’s message, adding, “As stunts go, that is all people will remember, not the message. Maybe form matters more than content.” Kyle Jacobs, a media liaison for the DA, previously told The Citizen that the party is deliberately balancing substance with engagement in Zille’s campaign. “Our more entertaining content is not a departure from substance. It addresses serious issues like municipal collapse, presented in a way that is accessible. We’ve seen an increase in organic engagement on platforms like TikTok… We’re not afraid of being called ‘cringe.’ If anything, we embrace it,” Jacobs explained. Swimming, sailing & spinning into the spotlight: Zille’s other ‘stunts’ Zille dives into the pothole In March, Zille attracted attention after entering a water-filled pothole in Douglasdale, Johannesburg, wearing a wetsuit and snorkelling equipment. The stunt highlighted a three-year-old water pipe problem and drew attention to residents’ concerns about municipal maintenance. The pothole was reportedly repaired shortly afterwards. While supporters praised her for drawing attention to neglected infrastructure, the situation also raised concerns about whether stunts such as this are necessary to speed up municipal action. Sailing into the service delivery debates In April, Zille used an inflatable boat to make her way through Soweto’s flooded street, which shone a spotlight on the area’s drainage and service delivery challenges. The video drew mixed responses: some social media users praised her for highlighting the struggles of Soweto residents, while others accused her of exploiting their problems for political publicity. Zille turns up the volume on her campaign In June, Zille joined DJ Lady Lea behind the DJ booth at Lock, Stock & Beer in Fourways. The appearance formed part of her effort to connect with audiences outside traditional political rallies. Reactions were mixed, with some welcoming her and others questioning its relevance to the city’s pressing issues. View this post on Instagram A post shared by Helen Zille (@helenzille26) Revving up the election campaigns More recently, Zille appeared in a video featuring her behind the wheel of a BMW 325iS, more commonly known as a Gusheshe. Zille’s aim was to reinforce the DA’s promise to take action in Johannesburg. Zille’s stunts have generated a considerable amount of attention online, with reactions ranging from praise for her creativity to criticism that she is turning residents’ everyday struggles into campaign material. As the local government elections approach, the debate extends beyond social media popularity to the DA’s proposed policies and ability to govern Johannesburg according to their record.

The France riots have put South Africans living in, studying in or travelling to France on alert. Cars have been set alight, town halls have burned and shops have been looted. For many South Africans, the question isn’t why it’s happening. It’s whether they’re safe, and what to do next. WHAT HAPPENED On Saturday, 17 October, around 550,000 people protested across France over rising living costs, fuel prices and education funding, according to French authorities. Most protests were peaceful, but violence broke out in several cities. Police have made more than 2,000 arrests, and hundreds of police officers have suffered injuries. Authorities have linked at least two deaths to the unrest: a 22-year-old police officer in Nantes, and a protester who died of cardiac arrest during demonstrations in Paris. Clashes continued in Paris on Sunday, 18 October. WHICH CITIES HAVE BEEN AFFECTED BY THE FRANCE RIOTS? According to international media reports, including from Al Jazeera, the unrest affected several major cities: Paris: About 110,000 people protested in the capital. Clashes broke out around Place de la République, rioters set cars alight near Canal Saint-Martin, and protesters faced off with police near Gare du Nord station. Marseille: Protesters breached the town hall and looted shops. Lyon: Rioters reportedly set fire to a tourism office. Limoges: Rioters set the city’s 143-year-old town hall ablaze. Bordeaux: A masked group invaded the local prefect’s residence. Lille: Unrest also spread to the city. Nantes: A police officer died after a vehicle struck the officer. Further protests could follow, since calls to “continue the movement” have been shared on social media. WHAT HAPPENS NOW? President Emmanuel Macron has condemned the violence and called for calm. He has ruled out an immediate state of emergency. However, he said regional officials and mayors would be given powers to ban gatherings where necessary. That means local bans on protests could be introduced at short notice, so check the latest local news before heading out. WHAT DOES DIRCO ADVISE? At the time of publishing, the Department of International Relations and Cooperation (DIRCO) had not issued a France-specific advisory on the unrest. However, DIRCO encourages South Africans travelling abroad to register their trips, so the department can contact them in an emergency. You can do this through DIRCO’s Travel Smart app, or by emailing rosahelp@dirco.gov.za. South Africans in France can also contact the South African Embassy in Paris by email at info.paris@dirco.gov.za. IF YOU’RE IN FRANCE If you live, work or study in France, or you’re there on holiday: Avoid protests and large gatherings, even if they appear peaceful. They can turn violent quickly. Stay away from known flashpoints, such as Place de la République in Paris. Follow the instructions of local police and authorities, including any bans on gatherings. Expect transport disruptions, and allow extra time to get around. Keep your passport secure, and carry a copy of it, rather than the original, when you go out. Keep your phone charged, and let family know you’re safe. HEADING TO FRANCE SOON? If you have a trip to France coming up: Check with your airline or travel agent for any changes to your flights or bookings. Read your travel insurance policy carefully. Some policies exclude claims related to civil unrest, so check what you’re covered for. Register your trip with DIRCO before you leave. Keep an eye on the news, and plan to avoid areas where protests are taking place. WHY THE UNREST COULD CONTINUE The protests began last month in high schools in the northern suburbs of Paris, where anger over teacher shortages and poor facilities grew into a broader movement about inequality and living standards. France also faces a presidential election next year, which could keep tensions high. ARE YOU A SOUTH AFRICAN LIVING IN FRANCE? HOW ARE THINGS WHERE YOU ARE? Let us know in the comments below…

South Africa’s record fuel prices are putting pressure on household budgets, and the pain does not stop when motorists leave the petrol station. The latest increase, which took effect on 7 October, pushed 95 petrol to R30.25 a litre inland and R29.38 at the coast. Diesel also jumped sharply, with the wholesale price rising to R31.95 for 0.05% sulphur diesel and R33.29 for 0.005% diesel inland. With diesel playing a major role in transporting goods around the country, the increase could gradually filter through to other parts of the economy. Here are 10 areas where South Africans could see the impact. 1. Groceries Food is one of the biggest concerns. South Africa relies heavily on road freight to move food from farms and factories to distribution centres and supermarkets. Higher diesel costs therefore increase the cost of moving those goods. Farmers can also face higher costs for machinery, while distributors and retailers face increased transport expenses. Not every increase will necessarily be passed directly to shoppers, but higher fuel costs add another source of pressure to food prices. 2. Taxi fares Minibus taxi operators are already feeling the squeeze. SANTACO has warned that it has not ruled out further fare increases as operators deal with record fuel prices. Taxi operators have only increased fares once this year, but higher fuel and other operating costs could eventually make further increases harder to avoid. 3. Bus and other public transport Higher diesel costs can also affect bus operators and other forms of road-based public transport. Operators have to decide whether to absorb the additional cost or pass some of it on to passengers. For commuters, that creates a particularly difficult situation because transport is often an unavoidable household expense. 4. Delivery fees That online order arriving at your door still has to get there. Delivery companies use fuel-intensive vehicles to move parcels between warehouses, depots and customers. Higher diesel and petrol costs can therefore put pressure on delivery charges, particularly for businesses that cannot absorb higher operating costs. 5. Restaurant and takeaway prices Restaurants and takeaways can be hit from several directions. Food ingredients cost money to transport, while businesses also rely on deliveries and other logistics. Higher costs throughout the supply chain can eventually put pressure on menu prices. Statistics South Africa has previously highlighted fuel as an important cost in the food supply chain, with increases potentially filtering through to restaurants, fast-food outlets and takeaway businesses. 6. Building and renovation costs Construction materials do not magically appear at building sites. Cement, bricks, steel, timber and other materials often have to be transported by road. Higher fuel costs can therefore increase the cost of moving construction materials, putting additional pressure on building and renovation projects. 7. Farming and fresh produce Agriculture is particularly exposed to diesel prices. Farmers use fuel for tractors, harvesting equipment, irrigation and transporting produce. That means higher diesel prices can increase production costs before food has even reached a supermarket. 8. E-hailing and private transport Uber, Bolt and other e-hailing drivers are also affected by higher fuel prices. Drivers face a direct increase in the cost of every kilometre travelled, potentially putting pressure on fares or driver margins. Private motorists face the same problem: a 50-litre fill of 95 petrol now costs R1 512.50 inland, before any other vehicle costs are considered. The National Automobile Dealers’ Association estimates that the October increase alone adds R166.50 to a 50-litre 95-petrol fill. 9. Long-distance travel and holidays The timing is particularly awkward for South Africans planning December travel. Higher fuel prices increase the cost of driving long distances, while higher operating costs can also affect other parts of the travel industry. For families driving hundreds or thousands of kilometres during the festive season, fuel could take a much larger bite out of the holiday budget. 10. Other everyday goods and services The biggest effect may ultimately be the one consumers notice least. Almost every product sold in South Africa has to be transported at some point. Road freight accounts for more than 80% of South Africa’s land-based freight, meaning diesel costs can ripple through supply chains from ports and factories to warehouses and shops. Businesses will have to decide how much of the higher cost they can absorb. Some may raise prices, while others may cut margins or look for ways to reduce fuel consumption.

The Cape Town start-up has filed US patent applications for technology aimed at AI voice-clone scams.

Twelve young professionals were named winners at the 2026 TransUnion Rising Star Awards.